Ijele: Art eJournal of the African World (2000)

ISSN: 1525-447X

ABANG DANCE: RADIANCE FROM THE RIVER AND EFIK IDEAL OF FEMININITY

Onyile Bassey Onyile

To dance is human, and humanity expresses itself in dance. Dancing interweaves with many aspects of life, such as art, communication, belief systems, social relations and political dynamics. Interwoven in Abang dances (figure 1) dances are three modalities: space, rhythm, and unity. Each of these modalities conveys its own distinct message(s) but interacts with each other to produce a specific form of dance as an expressive and communicative art. These modalities will be discussed later in this essay.

Although the centrality of this essay is the examination of the multidimensionality of Abang dance, the core of this essay will be focused on the artistry of the costumes, femininity, and sexuality that Abang dancers covertly demonstrate in their performances (figure 2). These subtle gestures are intricately woven into the fiber of Efik social lives, and the complex choreography of the Abang dance called ekömbi-this is the premise of the Abang dance of the Efik people.1 Since the Abang dance is a layer of complex cultural order wrapped in one. I will therefore, be analyzing each layer of this culture to help ease the understanding of the multidimensionality of Abang dance among the Efiks.2

The literature on Abang dance is few and scanty; therefore much of this essay will be drawn from personal experiences, oral accounts, interviews, and videotapes.3 Robert Farris Thompson (1983) in Flash of the Spirits mentioned the Abang dance institution without elaborating on it. This was not surprising, since the thrust of his book was tracing the profound influences that some traditional African cultures made on the Americas-especially through the movement of slaves to Cuba. Thus, his emphasis was distinctly philosophical. While Flash of the Spirits shed much light on understanding the imprint of African philosophy and the art effects on the peoples of the Americas, it did little to further explain the meaning of the ideas and objects referred to in the volume.

II

The origin of the Abang dance like the history of the Efiks is shrouded in many controversies, and depending on the ethnic group, accounts vary dramatically. The word Abang means, "pot" in Efik language, and it is believed that the Efiks adapted the name Abang, because of their allegiance to their earth goddess Abasi Isong.4 This force, Abasi Isong (earth goddess) is believed to bring forth all animals, human beings and plants. Similarly, the belief is that Abasi Udung Uyong (God Almighty) sends the rains to fertilize all plants for bountiful harvests.

The Abang dance is in a sense, a tribute and celebration of gratitude by the Efik people to their Abasi Isong (earth goddess) for her bounties as well as to appease her displeasure at all human follies. The force, Abasi Isong (earth goddess) is also credited for the land and all its resources that sustain all life. From earth's resources-clay was used for pottery making and other utilitarian uses like pots for cooking and storing foods. According to Ekpo Eyo, pottery is one of the hallmarks of the "Neolithic way of life," along with agriculture and sedentary villages.5

The Efiks embraced pottery from the Ejagham,6 their northern neighbors, through trading partnership and they added embellishments of there own over the centuries into their cultural milieu.7 Viewed from this context, the origin of the Abang dance can be traced to the Ejagham people. From another dimension, all Efik dances including Abang are believed to have originated from the Ndem cult worship.8 This explains the Efiks' strong sense of dependence on the water goddess Ndem (figure 3).

III

To better understand the structural interplay and inter-relationship of the three modalities earlier described as being relevant to the understanding of Abang dance; that is; space, rhythm, and unity, I will focus on each individually. Space is empty and meaningless until movements exist to give it meaning. It produces body patterns and movements within a rather amorphous structure, giving it a new significance that enables spectators to relate effectively to it, ascribing meanings while looking for hidden messages. The presence of movement combined with the impact of the new spatial structural expansion, substantially influences the end product, making dance effectively a three-dimensional art form while the dancer is still performing.

Similarly, rhythm and unity complement each other and together they make up the cohesive whole of a dance—the unified entity. Through rhythm, other elements of dance are bound into a harmonious structure. Its compositional quality is instrumental to the total perception of the dance as a continuous smooth form or "the flow of movement." In the dance medium, the effect of rhythm gives continuity and smoothness to the dancer's movements and allows the performer to concentrate more on honing the aesthetics of the dance and imparting fuller significance to the movements being performed.

The most essential attribute of a well-formed dance is unity. A unified dance gives evidence of being developed out of a strong, clear purpose. It is perceived and understood readily, because unity attracts and holds attention. It must have contrasting and interacting forces that give it vitality, within a unified structure. This makes all aspects of a dance easier to absorb. The dancer then strives to create a dance that is sensed as a harmonious and dynamic whole.

The Abang dance is essentially a voluptuous dance that emphasizes flexibility and grace, aimed at attracting the admiration of the opposite sex. To give the audience an appearance of lightness and balance, the Abang dancer balances her entire weight on her toes as she dances from side to side, with spontaneous ninety degrees turns; while wiggling her back muscles down to her waist to the rhythm of the drummer. Akasi is worn by all Abang dancers as exaggeration of the actual waistline of the dancers that adds to the erotic effect to the dance (figure 4). The rhythm of the akasi infused into the dance awakens the male audience. According to one informant, "an Efik woman's beauty is assessed by her narrow waistline and wide hips, simultaneously, this also suggests fertility; and vitality.9

The Abang dance is female dominated; notwithstanding, men play active roles in the troupe with drumming and singing.10 Like other African culture, Efik-talking drum relies on communicating an idea through sound. These sounds are coded text that require proper interpretation of what the drummer is instructing-the mastery of an Ayara Ekomo-language comes with many years of drumming experiences; this is also true of an Abang dancer who also must be versed in decoding the drum language. In the end, an artistic relationship develops between the drummer and the Abang dancer, although each of them expresses him/her self through different medium.11

As stated earlier, Ekömbi is the main choreography of the Abang dance. Ekömbi rhythm requires moving the body rhythmically in a sequential pattern of motions and steps executed to musical accompaniment. In ekömbi dance the body moves rhythmically with the torso in perfect timing to the arms and legs, as the body aims at archiving grace and harmony. All other choreography is a derivative of Ekombi. It transcends all dances, and permeates every facet of Efik social life. It not only features prominently in Abang dance, but also features as well even with the popular Highlife music of the late Inyang Nta Henshaw. Thus, one can conclude that ekömbi dance is Efik's oldest and most basic means of expression. As an expressive dance form, it enables an individual dancer to relate to his/her environment in a personal and unique fashion.

The potency of ekömbi in communication is enhanced by the fact that it functions as a multi-dimensional phenomenon, codifying experience in several channels simultaneously. While the rhythm of ekömbi remains the same, various families and cults have developed and infused their personal style into it. Similarly, the Ndem cult worshippers have also adopted the Abang dance into their rituals. Although their Abang costumes remain the same, their colors are limited to white, and occasional red-orange called utoo (figure 5). Embedded within Abang dances are colorful costumes, other body adornments, and facial paintings, which I shall also describe and analyze in this essay.

IV

Abang dance among the Efik people serves two purposes. On one hand, it is meant covertly to celebrate the life and femininity of all women. On the other, it is purely an entertaining medium for the public on various festive occasions. The dance is a reflection of many facets of Efik society; serving the same viable functions today as yesterday. In spite of variations in its forms, the rhythmic movement, and social context remain the same due to the influence of ekömbi. With these observations in mind, it is helpful at this point to examine the various types of Abang in Efik cultural life.

There are basically, three types of Abang among traditional Efiks and the Quas-the first type (ceremonial) Abang appears in rare occasions, such as the death of an Obong or any important community event(s). Her hairdo differs significantly from all other types of Abang. Depending on her birth status the adorned hair will vary in length. If she is the first daughter of the family, her hair will be extended with artificial hair attachment to her waist, and adorned with high brass combs and pins (figure 6a). If she is the second daughter, her hair will only be extended to her shoulder (figure 6b). She wears no akasi instead she wears a long garment designed as a pair of trousers called ofong ukot anwan.

Her costume is carefully designed to enhance her femininity and fertility. On her neck and waist, she is richly adorned with several coral beads; the most symbolic is the big pipe bead worn on the neck called ekpaku nkwa or emma. This necklace is an indication of her family, or husband's social status in the Ekpe society. It also could indicate her social standing in the exclusive women society Iban Isong or the community. On her legs are jingling leggings call ekpaku uköt. Similarly, she wears an ekpaku ubök. It is important to note here that all other Abang dancers are equally richly adorned with the neckwear, leggings, and arm except the Asimanyom.

The second type of Abang (festive) is the more popular dance troupe, used for entertainment at various festivals-this comprises of a group with three-lead dancers- Abang, Akpan, and Asimanyom. However, the Abang is the dominant figure here. This dance of Abang is named in her honor. The other two members of this dance troupe are subordinates to her (Abang). Unlike the first type of Abang (the ceremonial), the second type (the festive) pays less attention to her hairdo because an elaborate hairdo will be obscured by the basinko she carries on her head. However, the elaborate hairdo is visible on other members of the troupe. Like in most West African cultures, a head full of thick hair among the Efik people is highly admired as part of a woman's delicate figure and beauty. She also wears the akasi that accentuates their narrow waistline and wide hip.

This Abang dance (the festive) is the metaphor for polygamy in Efik marriage agreements between-Abang, Akpan, and Asimanyom. In this marriage contract, Abang and Akpan are the wives of Asimanyom. He (Asimanyom) participates in the dance with the lead female dancers but not as elaborately adorned as his female counterpart. He wears a simple female dress without an akasi and conceals his identity. This process signifies his submission role as a subordinate in the lead female dancer's space. The idea of cross-gender dressing points to the notion of gender-neutral society among the Efiks. I will address this issue later in the essay.

Traditionally, Abang represents the new young wife of Asimanyom; she is also considered the junior wife, and her husband's favorite wife. Akpan, on the other hand is the senior wife and the jealous one-who is constantly seeking the attention of Asimanyom. This is made apparent with her bodily adornments and her costumes. She is constantly, trying to out do the other wife. As mentioned earlier Akpan is the jealous wife of Asimanyom. She wears similar costumes and bodily adornments as her rival, but for the distinctive facemask.

As part of her costume she wears a two-faced mask, meant to confuse her adversary. One face depicts a male face, while the other depicts a female's face. This mask dramatizes her emotional feelings towards this new addition to her matrimonial home. She makes no mistake in displaying her disgust towards the new wife (Abang). Akpan in Efik worldview is full of tricks and will not hesitate pulling tricks on the new wife to disorient her. Driven by jealousy, and rage, all her actions are meant to forewarn the new wife (Abang), that it will not be an easy ride in their matrimonial home, while affirming her status as the senior wife.

Indirectly, she (Akpan) is sounding the warning to the new wife (Abang), that to make polygamy work, the relations between, the two women, and their husband must be carefully worked out; like their strict sleeping rotation arrangements called urua mbri ebe (weekly mat of the husband) between the two wives. Furthermore, that she as the senior wife will not tolerate favoritism except within the limits allowed by the formal ranking system-as the senior wife she gets the most of their husband. These feuding women are known as iban uföp (jealous women) in Efik.

Contrary to the Efik and Efut traditions, the Quas celebrate life and death with the Abang dance troupe, however, they do not include Asimanyom as part of the troupe, rather his only role is to announce the death of the Ntoe to the community.12 The word Asimanyom is a Qua word that means coming-out. In this tradition, Abang and Akpan represent the mother or leader of the dance troupe. Accordingly, when a mother dies in the family, her first daughter plays the role of the Akpan, while another female member of the family plays the role of the Abang.

The concept of the Abang among the Qua people, is to celebrate the dead and to honor woman. It is interesting to see these diversities between, the Efiks, and the Quas, add another dimension and meaning to the Abang dance—they all celebrate, and dramatize life and death from different perspectives on the same canvas. The Efiks and Quas may disagree more often than not partly because they genuinely see the world quite differently. The heat of their divergences both political and philosophical fueled their love of celebrating life

The third type of Abang dance is the Ntimi dance (figure 7). This Abang is significantly different from the other two Abang (the ceremonial and the festive). Like the ceremonial Abang, Ntimi is equally rarely seen in public too. Ntimi dancers wear similar costumes as the second type of Abang (the festive) with the headgear; in addition, she carries an elaborately decorated gourd and wears the akasi.13 Her hair is elaborately adorned with high brass combs and pins (figure 8). The Ntimi dance is an adaptation of the Nyoro14 dance of the Ebonko15 masquerade (figure 9) of the Ekpe cult. It recalls and represents women's involvement in the Ekpe cult at some point in Efik history. The Ntimi dance derives its name from the painted gourd (ntimi) that is artfully manipulated during the dance, with the greatest care, to convey cryptic messages of loyalty to the Nyoro Ekpe.

The majestic awe, which attends Ntimi dance, is symbolized by the red feathers twirled between the lips of the dancer to enjoin silence and solemnity while dancing (figure 10). Ironically, a parrot feather is used here as an idiomatic expression for silence. This is not surprising since the Efik language is full of idioms and proverbs. The use of the talkative parrot is an example of such gesture. In the absence of a gourd the Ntimi dancer uses a raffia-decorated bottle. The Ntimi dancer carefully choreographs her gestures while twirling the decorated gourd with both hands. It is forbidden to drop or break the gourd while dancing. As with other Abang dance, Ntimi dance must demonstrate an enormous sense of grace and flexibility in all her moves during a performance. It is a very demanding dance that requires dancing low to the ground, to the rhythm of ekömbi.

V

In recognizing the variance in all Abang, one must not loose sight of the distinct similarities in their extremely colorful and elaborate costumes as they romanticize and celebrate the life and beauty of all women. However, there are few visual differences in the decorations of their headgear and costumes. I will be pointing out these visual differences and similarities in the course of the essay. Abang, much as we know it, is colorful with elaborate decoration. On the head of the lead dancer is the ibot abang opulently decorated with brilliantly colored raffia of red, green and yellow. At times bird's feathers are attached to flexible stems called basinko in an asymmetric formation of five.

This frame is made of cane, giving it the much-needed flexibility during dancing. These stems are then affixed to the base of the ibot abang (figure 11a). From the basinko hang several silk scarves and handkerchiefs, which the lead dancer holds onto for support. These serve to increase the impression of ceaseless, swaying movement during the dances. At times embedded in the mist of the ibot abang is a lit lantern.16 Symbolically, this lit lantern is the essence of womanhood-the buoy of life. On other times, carved religious or cults objects are planted in the center of the ibot abang. While an Abang dancer bears ibot abang she undergoes some degree of transformation in taking on the spiritual and physical responsibility of representing the ancestor, or a deity in performance and must remain silent for the duration she carries the ibot abang (figure 11b). The red feather of a parrot twirled between her lips as she dances symbolizes silence and her of allegiance to the ancestor or deity she represents.

She is adorned with elaborate neckwear, with coral beads called ekpaku nkwa. The ekpaku nkwa is also worn as a cross belt across both shoulders. Her face is painted with white chalk called ndom, which symbolizes purity and love. The painted face is also an indication that the bearer has been initiated into the all women society. Ndom (chalk) is used often for both medicinal and symbolic proposes. On one hand, the painting of the face or body with ndom is an expression of joy at the birth of a child or from any other good news that may befall a family. On the other hand, ndom is also used in Ndem cult to denote spirituality of the Efik people, while relating the Abang dance to the Ndem cult.

Facial paintings on Abang dancers are a form of personal expression, where personal identities or patterns are developed and recorded. At times these patterns were developed from various families, and have evolved into family identities, or crests. Despite this, the notion of facial painting has always been attributed strongly to Ndem cult membership. Secretly, these patterns embellish the face and the body, reshaping, and rejuvenating them to present an attractive, sexually satisfying image.

Human beings, unlike other animals, are constantly on the arousal. In Western societies, sexual messages are coded and sent by an elaborate combination of clothing, ornament and body decoration. However, West African societies like the Efiks also employ decoration to transform the neutral body into a sexually attractive human body. In the end, facial painting beautifies the dancer as well as draws the attention of the males to her audience. Unlike the Western woman, however, the Abang's facial painting is not solely for sexual allures, it is also meant for her own self-satisfaction (Brain: 1979). Also ceremonial facial painting of this sort transports her out of her secular everyday life and into the spiritual world; it protects her from negative influences and links her to her forebears or ancestors.

In all three types of Abang, (the ceremonial, the festive, and Ntimi, the hair crest always displays axial symmetry around the facial vertical line, mimicking the headgear used in the second type of Abang. In Efik worldview, the head is considered the seat of power; indeed great powers of sexual attraction are attributed to the hair. Various symbolic coiffures are displayed, and the whole of a woman's life might be revealed in the style of her hairdo. The coiffure must be elaborate and pleasing, crowning the head of woman with elegance and wealth of design. Every member of the Abang troupe also displays a full head of hair plaited into a design, so that both the quantities of hair and the hairdo pattern are significant.

The hair is braided in the forms of three thick crowns, which in Efik secular view equals perfection. This notion is strongly influenced by the Ndem cult worship that considers the figure "three" as a perfect number. It further shows the spiritual relationship and reverence of the Ndem goddess in Efik society. It also indicates that a woman who wears this hairstyle is nkughö, and earned her rites and privileges of womanhood. To this effect the Efiks have a song they sing for women of this social status and it goes like this:

"Mma mma atañ itet ita 
Se ama se ama, anam, se ama anam
Idet ita ösoñ odot enye
Se ama, se ama, anam, se 
anam."

Literary translated this song is talking about a women with a three form braided hair, who has the right to do as she pleases. This hairdo is aimed at attracting her husband's desire while enhancing her natural essence as a woman, especially if she is about to request a favor from him. This song is indeed, an affirmation of her rights as a woman, proclaiming her femininity with pride. Most importantly, it evokes the mystical powers of her womanhood from the water goddess Ndem Efik to charm her partner.

For the Efiks the ideal of beauty in a woman is a full figured woman, with a healthy waistline. The Abang costume demonstrates this notion vividly with the akasi worn on the waist of the lead dancer. The akasi is central to all Abang dance; without it the essence of the dance is lost. Akasi is made out of cane like the basinko. It synchronizes the choreography of the Abang dance. The akasi is covered with a skirt called nkpin (figure 12). To the male society, it exemplifies beauty, femininity, and sexuality. Adorning her arms, between her elbows and shoulders are the ekpaku ubök. Similarly, on both legs, between the knee and the ankle are the ekpaku uköt, and around her ankle is mkpat etim, made out the empty shell of African oil bean seed.

The fluidity of the Abang costumes also lends credence to this fact. As the loose nature of her attire adds to carefree and free flowing spirit in the Abang dance choreography which in turn breeds excitement to the dance. It is important to note here, that the colour black is not used on any Abang costume, since black in Efik worldview represents death or mourning the dead-the opposite intent of an Abang dance. However, on certain occasions Abang dance troupe does appear in funerals, especially if the dead was an initiated member of the Iban Isong society, an important female community member, or an elderly person. Their appearance is not to mourn the dead, rather to celebrate the life of the dead. It goes to show how cherished the nation of celebrating life is to the Efiks. This is also apparent in the attire worn by. This manifests itself in their joy of celebrating life-hence the validity of their colour scheme. In the end, these colors painted on the body of the Abang act as a canvas for the Efik people to paint on.

The brilliant colour used to adorn an Abang plays a very important role in the adornment and costumes of the dance to the celebration of life. The use of these colors meant to create moods, symbolize ideas and express personal emotions. The typical colour on the Abang figure is red, green, yellow, with occasional use of blue and blue- black as trimmings; white is also used to accent other colors. Red in Efik ontology, is associated with human blood, since blood sustains life, it is linked to dignity, serenity, and the celebration of life. Yellow symbolizes the renewal or rebirth of life. Green on the other hand signifies, hope, and the regeneration of life. However, the colour palette of the Ndem cult is limited to white and red-orange (utoo). White in Efik secular world connotes peace, love, happiness and purity often expressed idiomatically as conditions of the human heart. However, the white derived from chalk is an indication of an important initiation ritual a rite of passage or an initiated member. This manifests itself in their joy of celebrating life; hence, the validity of this colour schemes. The use of red, green, and yellow colors by the Efik are considered earth colors from the earth goddess Abasi Isong, which the Efiks revere. Therefore, in Efik ontological scheme, on one hand, these colors were meant to invite participants in the celebration and honor of women's life. On the other, it is meant to mesmerize the audience as the dancers perform.

As Okon Uya rightfully observed, the Cross River itself has immensely affected the cultural life of the area, with its major tributaries. It indeed became a highway for cultural interchange between peoples of the region, and direct trading with early European traders.

Therefore, in this context, the similarities in culture and the European influences can be understood. The Efiks took advantage of their geographical location along the Cross River and "fraternized with the European traders, learnt European manners and customs"17 which they infused into all their social and cultural lives. This direct trade of the Efiks with the Europeans influenced the quality of the fabric used in these costumes. It also helped in the evolutionary process of the Abang dance institution.

Like the Romans borrowed from the Greeks, so did the Efiks adopt the Abang and nkughö institutions from the Ejagham people, into their culture, and modified them and made them assume new identities. Along the way, the influence of the European "super-cargo" trading era with the Efik people as the "middlemen" manifested itself in the costumes of the Abang dance (Ekpo 1985; Akak 1982). The affluence of trade dictated the peoples need for quality finery. The European elements like the quality of the fabric in Abang costumes gave to the overall costume a sense of affluence and spectacle. The direct trade the Efiks enjoyed with the Europeans for many centuries influenced the quality of the fabric used in these costumes. It also helped in the evolutionary process of the Abang dance institution. Through the centuries the Abang dance has retained it rich, elaborate and colorful heritage. Although the costume continues to evolve, certain factors influence its design and remain the same. First, the costume and movements of the dancers are calculated to stimulate aesthetic appreciation of the body in motion. This further helped in the transformation of the looks of the dance, when compare to its counterpart Moninkim of the Ejagham people. However, the Abang (figure 13).retained the basic principle of the Nkim dance (figure 14), it adopted from the Ejagham people-the celebration of life and the femininity of all women (compare figures 13 and 14).

VI

Abang dance is also part of a complex fertility ritual called the nkughö,18 a confinement practiced among the Efiks and other neighboring ethnic groups for young females about to be betrothed into marriage. It is a rite of passage of the young females of the Efik society, marking their change in status from girlhood to nubile womanhood-it is this nubility that the Abang dance celebrates.19 The nkughö celebrates fertility in a woman, while equipping her with fulfilling knowledge of her femininity. She is taught skillful resources to ensure a successful marriage life.

Accordingly, the nkughö ritual is a celebrated and revered institution, essentially a female phenomenon. It is an intense training process that molds and reshapes the life of young girls into adulthood, instilling in them moral values of the society, and an appreciation of themselves. During the confinement, nkughö is totally catered for by both her mother and other female members of her family. She is prohibited from all household chores, lavishly fed and given regular body massages. She is only allowed to engage in beautifying and enriching herself mentally through her confinement. Her visitors are closely monitored, and no male visitors are allowed in her living area other than her intended bride.20

In the end, she is expected to emerge from the confinements of the nkughö quarters looking healthy. This forced inactivity expedites weight gain, which the maiden's family relishes, although this weight gain was not intentional. Covertly, it is also a warning to the bridegroom not to maltreat her in the marriage. As part of her internship the nkughö is also taught the flares and finesse of the ekömbi essential in all Efik dance, in preparation for the coming- out-day parade (figure 15). To an Efik woman the period of her initiation as nkughö is her most vivid and memorable experience.

One thing that is commonly shared by both the Abang and the nkughö maiden is that their bodily adornments are similar to each other. The one major difference is that the nkughö maiden does not wear an akasi or carry the basinko. This fact also applies to the Asimanyom who very simply dressed. Colour as can be seen plays very important role in the adornment and costumes of both the Abang and the nkughö maiden celebration.

VII

In Efik ontological and historical scheme, a woman belongs to both her natal and marital lineages and her interest in the marriage contract as wife and daughter. This flexible gender system resulted not only in role ambiguity but also in status ambiguity. In the formal social system, there was flexibility in gender classification, which allowed the incorporation of certain categories of women into the male category, giving them positions of authority in both social and ritual power structure. Some daughters were regarded as male "wives" while some males were regarded as female "husband."21 Consequently, an individual's sexuality, in this context does not correspond to gender.

Accordingly, gender to the Efiks is a social, instead of a biological category. It is applied to individual and collective experiences of both males and females. It is a thought construct meant to capture a complex set of social relations, applied to a changing set of historically variable social processes. Therefore, gender both, as a category and social process is relational. Experientially, gender in this context exceeds the experience of individual bodies and their functions in a social context and includes the shared social assumption that is derived from individual experience. Thus, in the Efiks view, gender is a way of referring to the social organization of the relationship between men and women and between the culturally defined norms of femininity and masculinity.

VIII

Some dancers incorporate as part of their choreography, aspects that dramatize their body movements. The choice of costume fabric is guided by pragmatic concerns-the tropical heat. In the heat, many materials stick to the skin and rip easily from the vigorous body movements. Therefore, a stronger and cooler fabric such as cotton is needed. Cotton breathes and allows the cooling of the dancers better. Also, for practical reasons brocade cotton material is preferred to silk or other synthetic materials to drape. However, the colored silks flutter, draped over the brocade akasi (nkpin) help mesmerize viewers from both shimmering of the silk and brocade fabric as the dancer performs. Similarly, the material draped over the akasi (nkpin) gives the dance a grace, she dances to the beat of the drums, trunks sway backward and forward and one is bound to think, spontaneously if not unoriginal, of flowers in the breeze. The arms rise and fall and the ekpaku ubök and mkpat etim jungles.

IX

In summation, Abang dance is poetry in motion. The poetry is written in space, non- verbally, and in rhythmic kinetics, using the human body as its text. The main thrust of this study has been to examine the Abang dance in a multi-dimensional context of art. The index of the individual person, the costumes, colors and human body communicates significant aspects of the body politic of a people, the larger cultural entity to which the individual belongs. Abang dance makes and becomes art in the way it unifies external intangible elements such as movement, rhythm, and space in the body to create a new cohesive form.

This new form, the dance, becomes a powerful non-verbal communication symbol. On one hand, as a powerful non-verbal communication medium, the poetics of Abang dance is especially enhanced by the ability to generate and disseminate cultural values through different channels and symbols of communication simultaneously. On the other, as multi-communicational art form, it also easily becomes a vehicle of ostentation and expression for other art forms, verbal or non-verbal, and respective channels of communications. Thus messages conveyed through Abang dance becomes more powerful, lucid, and exquisite as an art form.

On one hand, the role of traditional Abang dance has been embedded in the core of the culture, central to the perceived ideal of the Efiks. On the other, it is the key document of an aesthetic history of the people. It is nonverbal formulations of philosophies of beauty and ethics. It helps identify and integrate social relationships of various types, such as the village, age-grade, secret society, and gender groups. In the end, Abang dance is motion: motion is continuity, it is dynamic, and it is the lives of the Efiks.

It enhances life as it weaves its exquisite art with and in space and motion, with people and bodies and objects. It sustains and gives meaning to a people and their culture. In the end, Abang dance affirms and celebrates the lives of the Efik people while defying the constraint of time—it is the essence, the being, and the core of Efik culture. Hence, in analyzing the multi-dimensionality of Abang dance and its attitude in communication, this study has been able to focus on the dynamic forms, narrated content, and the conceptual meaning of Abang dance among the Efiks people.

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© Copyright 2000 Africa Resource Center

Citation Format

Onyile, Onyile Bassey. (2000). ABANG DANCE: RADIANCE FROM THE RIVER AND EFIK IDEAL OF FEMININITY. Ijele: Art eJournal of the African World: 1 , 1.

Table of Contents

** Table of Contents

0.1. Ii
0.2. Iii
0.3. Iv
0.4. V
0.5. Vi
0.6. Vii
0.7. Viii
0.8. Ix
0.9. Bibliography